Mauritania - A Country of Persecution and Slavery

When mention is made of racial discrimination based on colour and ethnic origin in Africa our thoughts are directed naturally to the relatively recent past in apartheid South Africa and the injustices that were practised there, or the 'ethnic cleansing' in Rwanda. Yet little, if nothing, is mentioned in the English speaking world of the racial discrimination which has taken place, and continues to do so, in another country in Africa - Mauritania.

Geography

The Islamic Republic of Mauritania is situated on the West African coast, bordered by Algeria, Mali, Western Sahara (Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic) and Senegal. To the west lies the Atlantic Ocean.

The main cities and towns are: Nouakchott - the capital (population 387,802 in 1992); Nouadhibou (population 45,000); and Zouerate (population 35,000).

Most of the country is desert and in it live a little over 2 million people in an area more than 4 times the size of the United Kingdom. 65% of the population are engaged in agriculture - vegetables, millet, rice and dates mainly, although their contribution to the GNP (Gross National Product) has fallen from 44% in 1960 to 22% in 1991. Successive years of drought have turned once fertile land to desert, and heavy losses of livestock have led most of the nomadic population to try and survive in the towns. Unfortunately, only 1% of the country receives sufficient rainfall to support agriculture. This is concentrated on the northern bank of the Senegal river, which forms the country's southern border, and is the only area in the country with any degree of permanent vegetation while maintaining a variety of wildlife.

Mining has now replaced agriculture in importance in the economy, Mauritania being a mineral-rich country with one of the largest reserves of iron ore in the world at an estimated 4,000 million tonnes. The important mining centres are currently in the El Rhein and M'Houdat areas. Deposits of gold have been discovered around Akjoujt and it is thought that copper could be mined there as well.

The Mauritanian coastal waters are among the richest fishing grounds in the world. Unfortunately, uncontrolled fishing by foreign, mainly Southern European, and local vessels have reduced stocks considerably in the 1990s.

The country makes a geographical link between Arab North Africa and black sub-Saharan Africa. It was created artificially to join the largely nomadic Arab-Berber north with the mainly sedentary black African south. Since independence from France in November 1960, Mauritania has been ruled by the - BEYDANES - literally 'white men' of Arab-Berber descent, also known as Moors - who have treated the blacks in the country with gross violations of their human rights.

This black population is divided into two groups: firstly, the black ethnic groups of Halpulaar, Soninke, Wolof and Bambara; secondly, the HARATINES, also known as black Moors, who are former black slaves and who remain politically and culturally bound to their former owners. The Halpulaar, the largest black ethnic group, is regarded by the government as the most serious opposition. Exact population figures are extremely difficult to ascertain because the government refused to publish the results of the 1988 census. The official government claim is that 70% of the population consists of Moor (Arab-Berber = 'white men'), yet most blacks argue that they comprise 67% of the Mauritanian population, including black Moors!

The official languages are Arabic, and French. The Moors of Arab/Berber origin speak Hassanyia dialects of Arabic. Other languages spoken include Soninke, Pulaar and Wolof.

History

Mauritania lies across one of the great trans-Saharan trade routes. The empire of Ghana, based in southeast Mauritania, originally controlled the area; then, for more than 500 years until 1674 when the Arabs defeated them, the Almoravid dynasty controlled the trade in gold, slaves and salt. A number of European navigators had sporadic contact with the region, but French domination of the area was only established in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

Mauritania was colonised by France in 1920. During this time, France administered the country using the existing Moor structures. Yet, after the 2nd World War, France found herself forced to reform her control in her colonies or, at some stage, allow independence. However, in Mauritania, even though there was little pro-independence pressure in the country, France was obliged to follow the same course. Independence divided Mauritania. Many of the Moors ('white-men') wanted a union with Morocco, while many of the blacks were in favour of a merger with Senegal and Mali.

Despite all this the country was granted independence on November 28th, 1960, under the leadership of President Moktar Ould Daddah who immediately abandoned the multi-party system and established one party rule.

Due to the fact that Morocco laid claim to a part of Mauritania's territory, most of the Arab World refused to give Mauritania official recognition during the early years of her independence. Consequently, during most of the 1960s, Mauritania depended more or less completely upon France both economically and diplomatically. Comprehensive agreements were reached between the two countries with regard to Mauritanian administration and territory - land, sea and air.

The initial years of independence were particularly difficult. Disagreements between the Moors ('White-men'), who in fact ruled the country, and the blacks, who held middle-management government positions, accelerated. The black population's concern with regard to Arab dominance was accelerated as the government initiated steps to 'Arabise' the country, particularly the decision in 1966 to demand all students study Arabic. This serious confrontation between the black and

Moor peoples became highlighted in the areas of linguistics and education when the black community protested by showing their preference to study and speak in French, thereby combating Arabisation and keeping close links with French speaking black Africa. Even though the blacks and the Moors are all Muslim, the blacks resented the religion of Islam being equated with being Arab, and, therefore, attempted to retain their own way of life and preserve their own heritage.

However, the serious economic difficulties facing Mauritania were intensified in the late 1960s and early 1970s as a result of a period of severe drought, resulting in a vast shift of the normally nomadic population into the urban areas. This demographic movement had tremendous implications throughout the country: i.e. whereas in 1965 approximately an estimated 83% of Mauritania's population led a nomadic or semi-nomadic existence; by 1987 this figure had dwindled down to roughly 23%! Furthermore, the drought had forced other nomads to move down south to the fertile area of the River Senegal, an area already occupied mainly by black ethnic groups. Very quickly this area of the Senegal valley took on significant economic importance for Mauritania.

By the early 1970s, the government's economic and political stance took on a more independent and nationalistic approach. he country began to detach itself from French influence by 'courting' Iraq, Egypt, Kuwait, Libya and China in order to obtain more diverse financial support. This resulted in 1972 in Mauritania being the first African French speaking country to declare its intention to reconsider its co-operation agreements with France made at independence. The next year, Mauritania signed new agreements with France which continued to include cultural, technical and economic agreements but which excluded military and economic co-operation. Mauritania also decided to leave the franc zone (a group of 14 African countries whose currencies are based on the French franc) and to create a new national currency known as the OUGUIYA.

Further signs of an increasing nationalism were becoming apparent. In 1973 Mauritania joined the Arab League. In 1974, it was decided to nationalise the Mauritanian Iron Mines Company (MIFERMA), which, despite the fact that it was crucial to the national economy (being responsible for 80% of the country's exports). was dominated by French concerns. In the interest of becoming more integrated into the Arab world, Mauritania also began to send predominantly Moor students for education and training in such countries as Iraq, Syria and Saudi Arabia, the consequences being that on their return they were even keener to further the Arabisation process.

In 1975, Mauritania embarked upon its costly involvement in the war in the Western Sahara, previously known as the Spanish Sahara, which was about to become independent from Spain. In October of the same year, the International Court of Justice in the Hague decreed that neither Mauritania nor Morocco had a right to sovereignty over the Western Sahara and that the people of that area had a right to self rule. Nevertheless, in November 1975, Mauritania, Morocco and Spain signed the Madrid Agreement which divided the Western Sahara between Mauritania and Morocco. The reaction in the Western Sahara was violent opposition to the agreement. A guerrilla group known as the Polisario Front, an acronym for 'The Popular Front for the Liberation of Saguia El Hamra and Rio Do Oro', was created. The Polisario front, with the backing of Algeria, declared the Western Sahara independent and renamed it the 'Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic' (SADR).

The ensuing war compelled Mauritania to greatly enlarge its armed forces: from around 3,000 in 1976; to between 15,000 and 17,000 in 1978. The consequence, of course, was to further overburden its already weak economy despite much financial help from such countries as Saudi Arabia. However, the results of this military increase were more than economic for Mauritania. The standing of the military within the country was greatly enhanced. Many blacks were recruited into the army to fight the Polisario guerrillas, despite their being opposed to Mauritania's designs on the area since it further increased the cause of Arab control. Furthermore, many Moors also objected to the war because of their cultural and family ties to the Polisario and the people of the Western Sahara.

However, with the economy in ruins and there being no possibility of a Mauritanian victory, Col. Mustapha Ould Salek and other military officers overthrew the government in July 1978 and created a ruling Military Committee for National Recovery (CMRN). Yet, in less than a year, in April 1979, Col. Ahmed Ould Bouceif and Col. Mohamed Khouna Ould Haidalla overthrew the government of Salek. Col. Bouceif died in a plane crash in May 1979 so Col. Haidalla became prime minister with Col. Mohamed Louly as president. In January 1980, Col. Haidalla became president of the Military Committee for National Salvation (CMSN). Immediately after this Haidall announced the neutrality of Mauritania in the Western Saharan conflict. At the same time, he announced the abolition of slavery, although as we shall see later no real steps were taken to implement this. At the end of 1980 a civilian government had been created and progress was made towards forming a democratic, multi-party government. Meanwhile, these plans had to be abandoned in April 1981 following a failed coup attempt in March by pro-Moroccan forces, the coup leaders being executed. The next month, Col. Haidalla and the CMSN changed the government from civilian to military, with Lt. Col. Maaouiya Ould Sid'Ahmed Taya as chief of staff.

In December 1984, Haidalla was overthrown, while attending a Franco-African summit in Burundi, in a bloodless coup by Colonel Taya who became president. During his rule, which continues at the time of writing, in November 1995, the persecution of the black ethnic groups has escalated. The Baathist (radical, pan-Arab nationalists associated with the ruling regimes of Iraq and Syria) and Nasserite (committed to the Arab, nationalist ideology of Jamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt) groups have also gained importance. All this sets the stage for the acute repression against black ethnic groups in the 1980s and early 1990s.

Slavery

Slavery has existed in Mauritania for many centuries. Blacks were captured and brought here by raiding Arab/Berber (Beydane) tribes. Although the ownership of slaves was considered a status symbol for the individual and the tribe, the economic benefits were also realised. The slave, who lived and travelled with the nomadic household, looked after the needs of the family. Animal husbandry and agriculture depended very much on slave labour.

Slaves were not allowed to marry, and their children belonged to the slave owners. The slave owner had absolute powers to the extent that he could kill a slave with impunity.

Emancipation from slavery could be achieved through recruitment into the French army during colonial times. Beydanes who did not wish to be conscripted themselves 'contributed' slaves instead. Those slaves were eventually emancipated. The majority of the educated Haratines (black Moors) today are the sons and grandsons of slaves who were 'given' to the French colonial army. Other Haratines were freed after finding jobs and paying for their own freedom and that of their families.

Slavery was abolished by the French for the first time in Mauritania in 1905, for the second time in the constitution of 1961 and for the third time on July 5th, 1980. However, it is clear that slavery continues even to this day in the country, particularly in the rural areas. Haratines who tried to exercise their new-found freedom were returned to their master by local authorities, many of whom owned slaves themselves and regarded abolition as a threat to their own interests.

In 1974 a movement called 'El Hor', meaning 'the free', was founded by Haratines as a pressure group to advance the interests of their community. In order to raise awareness among the slave and Haratine communities, El Hor circulated papers and organised demonstrations. They insisted that emancipation was impossible without realistic means of enforcing the anti-slavery laws and providing former slaves with the wherewithal of economic independence. The movement demanded land reform and encouraged Haratines to organise agricultural co-operatives.

Inevitably, El Hor's stress on social issues and its demands for compensation and justice brought it into confrontation with the government. Being afraid of the possible effects of El Hor's activities, the government clamped down with great ferocity. A large number of the movement's leaders and members were arrested, cruelly tortured, and most of them exiled in 1979 - 1980. This clearly demonstrated the government's refusal to even consider the existence of an independent forum to seek rights for the Haratines.

The government of President Haidallah, brought into power by a coup in January 1980, enacted several underhand policies which at the time seemed to meet the demands of El Hor . The most notable included: The 'abolition' of slavery on July 5th, 1980, thereby forestalling any possible political connections between the opposition under Moktar Ould Daddah with black opposition groups; plus offering important government positions, promotions and economic opportunities to some of El Hor's spokesmen.

Slavery continues in Mauritania today. Tens of thousands of blacks are considered the property of their masters and are dependent entirely on their masters' will. Long hours are worked for no remuneration. They are denied education and do not have the right to marry or found a family. Children born to a slave woman are the property of her master; slave parents do not have any rights over their children. A slave couple in the cities may have a degree of family life, such as their own tent, but in the rural areas, there are no rules for such 'marriages'. Normally, when two slaves 'marry' the arrangements are made by their owners. Even though the woman is permitted to live in her husband's household. Her original owner can call for her return to his house at any time; the will of the owners always taking precedence over those of the slaves.

The buying and selling of slaves still continues despite government denials. These transactions do not take place in open markets any more but discretely among the beydane tribes themselves.

Apart from the usual 'routine' punishments experienced by slaves in Mauritania - beatings with a wet cord while naked, denial of food and drink, prolonged exposure to the sun with hands and feet tied together - there are other more brutal methods of appalling cruelty far too terrible to be described in detail here since they involve physical mutilation. These dreadful punishments are meant not only to discipline the individual but to serve as a warning to others. (for a more detailed explanation read: 'News From Africa Watch' June 29, 1990, pp. 13 - 15)

Slaves are not allowed to associate as they wish with other blacks. This is because owners are not keen for slaves to have free contact with each other or with free Haratines and other blacks, since they are afraid of them learning about abolition. Even Haratines in important government positions often have brothers and sisters working in the house of a master. Their only manner of escape from this situation is by fleeing rather than through any 'legal' rights. However, ignorance; no education or skills allowing them to gain employment; fear of recapture and the probable torture to follow; discourage great numbers of slaves from attempting to escape.

Such groups as Human Rights Watch/Africa point out that though slavery is deeply rooted in Mauritania, its abolition being a difficult and long-term process, the persistence of this institution is due mainly to a lack of will by the authorities to end the practice. Although the laws abolishing slavery have been passed, it still continues because the necessary economic and social changes to abolish it have not been enacted.

In order to give the impression that slavery no longer exists, government literature refers to them as 'haratines', or freed slaves. In the cities the Arab word for slave 'abd' has been replaced by the expressions 'the blue ones' (Les Bleus) or 'the Sudanese' (Les Sudanais). Other terms for slaves include 'pupil' or 'domestic', i.e. domestics who are not paid, have no rights and who live entirely at the whim of their master.

Because permission has been denied to human rights groups to enter Mauritania, it is impossible to assess the number of slaves that actually exist. After a visit to Mauritania in 1981, the London based Anti-Slavery Society calculated that "... the country probably holds a minimum of 100,000 total slaves with a further 300,000 part-slaves and ex-slaves." (John Mercer, 'Slavery in Mauritania Today', London: Anti-Slavery Society, 1982)

Prior to the Anti-Slavery Society visit in 1981, a great number of slaves fled the rural areas for the cities between 1969 and 1978. This migration was a consequence, firstly, of the severe drought experienced between 1969 and 1974 resulting in hundreds of thousands of Mauritanians, including many slaveowners, going to the towns in search of better economic opportunities; plus many slaveowners who remained in the rural areas sending their slaves to work in the cities and in the mines. Secondly, the 1975-78 war in the Western Sahara required a large recruitment of the black population for the army. However, since the visit of the Anti-Slavery Society in 1981 there have been no comparable upheavals, meaning that the estimated figures of slaves are probably of a similar number today.

Recent Persecution of Black Mauritanians

The bloodless coup of Lt. Col. Maaouiya Ould Sid'Ahmed Taya in December, 1984, marked the escalation of the persecution of the black ethnic peoples in Mauritania. Open opposition by blacks to the government increased in the mid-1980s, resulting in a number of black intellectuals forming an illegal organisation called the African Liberation Forces of Mauritania (FLAM). This organisation produced 'The manifesto of the Oppressed Black Mauritanian', in 1984, giving details of the complete control of Mauritania by the beydanes and the persecution of the blacks. The immediate response of the government was to arrest 21 FLAM leaders, torture them, and inflict long term prison sentences upon them.

However, no one was prepared for the two campaigns of persecution which were to follow. A border clash in April 1989 between Mauritania and Senegal erupted into ethnic violence. The result was that thousands of each countries' citizens were deported and both countries nearly declared war on each other. The government in Mauritania used this as an opportunity to expel thousands of blacks, claiming they were Senagalese. Besides these expulsions, others were subjected to extrajudicial executions, torture, and the seizure of property of the blacks. According to United Nations estimates in 1993, there were approximately 52,000 Mauritanian refugees in Senegal and around 13,000 in Mali. In fact these figures are considered conservative since they roughly represent only those officially registered as refugees.

This campaign against blacks accelerated between 1990 and early 1991 when more than 500 blacks in the military and the civil service were killed. They were among the roughly 3,000 blacks who were arrested without charge, held in isolation, exposed to dreadful physical abuse, apparently for planning a coup.

For many generations, the land along the Senegal River Valley has belonged to the local black peoples. During the mid-1980s, black lands were being seized by the government and handed over to beydane businessmen, particularly when the black owner was being expelled. This clash over the land has resulted in extensive human rights abuses against the blacks, and has completely changed the economic and social character of the Senegal River Valley.

Due to the fact that Mauritania sided with Iraq during the Gulf War, economic assistance from the Gulf States and most of the West, apart from France, was lost. Consequently, attempts had to be made to regain credibility on the international scene. Therefore, in April 1991 the government declared that it was to follow a policy of democratisation for the country. However, although presidential elections were held in January 1992 they proved to be full of irregularities. The main purpose of these elections was to give the impression of being democratic, drawing attention away from the human rights abuses, and thereby appearing more favourable in the eyes of possible foreign aid donors. Unfortunately, little has changed in the country since the elections of 1992. The new civilian government, more or less the same people as in the previous military one, still perpetrates human rights abuses. This is particularly clear in the Senegal River Valley where blacks are indiscriminately killed, detained, raped and beaten by the security forces. Moreover, the authorities have such a firm control over the area that there is no longer any need for mass killings and expulsions.

However, there have been a few positive signs since the new civilian government took power. The opposition find it more possible to openly criticise the government. Since the end of 1991 an independent press has emerged to produce a number of articles critical of the government and its position on human rights. Nevertheless, radio and television are still in the hands of the government. This is very important when one considers that only about one third of the population are literate and, therefore, the majority only have access to information from the radio, if at all. Occasional meetings, demonstrations and investigations have also been permitted, showing a slight change in attitude to some human rights activities.

RELIGION

Almost the entire population of Mauritania are Muslims. Unfortunately, Islam has and is being used to preserve the status quo with regard to the policy of slavery, for example, in the country. Slaves are conditioned, both by their masters and religious leaders, to regard serving their masters as a religious duty. A phrase commonly used to teach slaves to be resigned to their situation is, "the way to heaven is underneath the sole of your master's foot"!

The few Christians that there are in Mauritania are entirely expatriates from Africa, Asia, America and Europe, around 5,000 in all. Nevertheless, Mauritania does have one Catholic Diocese - the Diocese of Nouakchott - which covers the whole of the country. It was established in 1966. There are approximately 11 priests and around 32 sisters and 2 brothers.

On July 10th, 1995, Pope John Paul II accepted the resignation of the Bishop of Nouakchott, Bishop Robert de Chevigny a member of the Holy Ghost Fathers congregation. At the same time, the Pope nominated Fr. Martin Happe, a German White Father who had spent all his missionary life since ordination in 1973 in Mali. Bishop Happe, at the time of writing the only White Father in Mauritania, is certainly following in the footsteps of our founder, Cardinal Lavigerie, who spent so much of his energy waging a campaign against slavery in Africa in the latter half of the 19th Century. Yet, here we are at the end of the 20^th Century with slavery still present in Africa!

(Much of the material in this article was gleaned from information

produced in various papers by 'Africa Watch')

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Facts and Figures

People

Ethnic Groups: the population may be divided along ethnic and linguistic boundaries. The majority are Moor (Maur)(80%) with the remaining groups linked with the peoples of Senegal and Mali, such as the Wolof (7%), Tukolor (Pulaar or Pular or Toucouleur)(5%), Soninke (3%), Zenaga 1%,

Fulani (1%) and various Others (2%).

'Moors' is a generic term for the light skinned nomadic shepherds found in many parts of North-West Africa. They are descendants of those who founded the Almoravid Empire in the Middle Ages.

The Moors were nomads who mainly roamed the desert areas of Mauritania until the droughts of the 1970's when they were forced to settle. This accounts for the great number of people who moved from rural to urban areas and which is reflected in the population distribution of the

present day.

Languages: the country's official language is Arabic (Hassaniya [or Bassanya] dialect). Other major languages are Wolof spoken along the South Senegal river valley, and Fulfulde which is spoken by the Fulani and Soininke (Sarakole) in the south.

People - Country

The Country

1,025,220 sq. km. (395,735 sq. miles)

Size compared to UK: about four and a quarter times bigger than the UK.

Land Use sq. miles %

Agriculture 150,379 38.0%

Forest 57,900 15.0%

Other 187,456 47.0%

Total Population

1,476,325 (1978) 2,161,000 (1993)

Inhabitants per sq. km. 2

Urbanisation 1963 1993

Urban 81,060 1,102,110

Rural 971,667 1,058,890

Age Distribution ('90)

Male Female % of total

1 - 14 years 443,250 429,024 44.3%

15 - 64 years 512,200 517,584 52.3%

65 and over 28,565 37,392 3.4%

Distribution of Working Population ('90).

Agriculture 724,233 69.4%

Industry 92,877 8.9%

Services 226,453 21.7%

Education

State ('93) Students

Primary schools 140,871

Secondary schools (50) 39,010

Tertiary (7) -

State Teachers

Primary schools 2,629

Secondary schools 1,385

Tertiary 25

Church ('93) Students

Kindergartens (2) 350

Primary schools (0) 0

Secondary schools (0) 0

Adult Literacy 1970 1992

Men - % 48.0%

Women - % 22.0%

Of total population - % 35.0%

Health

Infant Mortality Rate:

1960 1993

190 99 per 1,000 in first year

321 202 per 1,000 in first five years

Maternal Mortality: 800 per 100,000 (1988)

Immunisation programme:

1 year olds 1981 1990-92

Tuberculosis 57.0% 73.0%

Diphtheria, Tetanus,

Whooping Cough - 34.0%

Polio 18.0% 34.0%

Measles 45.0% 39.0%

Life Expectancy 1960 1993

35 years 52 years

Access to: in Urban areas

85-92: Health services 485,721 72.0%

88-91: Safe drinking water 663,475 67.0%

88-91: Sanitation 336,689 34.0%

Access to: in Rural areas

85-92: Health services 360,158 33.0%

88-91: Safe drinking water 691,745 65.0%

88-91: Sanitation - - %

Church Facilities ('93)

Hospitals 0

Dispensaries 0

Leprosaria 0

Nurseries 0

Marr. Adv. Centres 0

Social Centres 2

Orphanages 6

Other Welfare 6

State Facilities ('89) People per

Hospitals 13 152,077

Hospital beds 538 3,628

Doctors 168 11,629

Nurses 575 3,397

Dentists 8 247,125

Pharmacists 16 123,563

Religion

Religious adherence (based on figures for 1980).

Catholics * 5,000 0.4%

Total Christians 6,060 # 0.4%

Muslims 1,419,200 99.5%

Other Faiths 940 0.1%

Islam is the official religion and about 99% of the population are Sunni Muslim of the Quadiriyah sect, most of the rest are Christian.

Christian Practice ('80).

Practising 4,240 0.0%

Non practising 1,820 0.0%

Nominal 0 0.0%

Total Christians 6,060

% of population # 0.4%

*Catholics included in Christians.

Catholic Church

Catholic Church ('93) 1978 1993

Catholic: Number - 5,000

as % of pop. - % 0.4%

Diocesan priests 2 2

Religious priests 8 9

Total all priests 10 11

Catholics per priest 500 455

People per priest 147,633 196,455

1978 1993

Major Seminarians - 1

Dioceses 1 1

Bishops: 1 1

Brothers 1 2

Sisters 22 32

Lay missionaries 0 0

Catechists 12 15

Economy

Imports and Exports:-

Major Imports: Foodstuffs (30-40%), petroleum products (24-30%), transport equipment (8-12%), consumer goods (8-12%).

Main Sources: France (30%), Spain (13%), Algeria (10%), Senegal (2%).

Major Exports: Fish and fish products (57-60%), iron ore (40-50%).

Main Destinations: Japan (26%), Italy (14%), France (10%), Belgium (8%), Spain (5%), UK (3%), Greece, Germany.

Currency: Ouguiya (UM) = 5 khoums

Exchange rate: UM126.06 per US$ (05/95).

Trade ('93) Imports Exports

Food - % - %

Fuels - % 52.0%

Chemicals etc. 26.0% -

Basic Commodities - % 47.0%

Machinery/transport - % 0.0%

Other manufactures - % 1.0%

International Debt ('93)

Total Debt: $2,203,000,000

Foreign Debt per capita: $1,019.44

Debt as % of GNP 177.9%

Debt service as% of exports: 27.4%

Debt Interest payments as % of exports: 10.2%

GNP ('92) $1,123,858,048 ($530 per capita)

GDP ('93) $859,000,000 ($398 per capita).

Agriculture ('93) 28.0%

Industry (Manufacturing 12.0%) 30.0%

Services 42.0%

Average annual inflation

'65-'80: 8.0% '80-'90: 9.0% '90-'92 8.0%

Absolute Poverty (1980-90):

the % of people living in absolute poverty:

Urban: - % Rural: 80% Whole country: - %

Food Requirements:

met 20% of food requirements locally (1990-91)

daily calorie supply per capita 2,685 ('92)

cereal imports 286,000 metric tons ('93)

food aid in cereals 42,000 metric tons (1992/93)

Official development assistance receipts ('93):

$331,000,000 ($153.2 per capita)

34.9% of GNP.

Military Expenditure; Arms Trade ('91):

As a % of GDP in 1990-91: 4.1%

$46,338,202,624,000

Politics

Official Title: Islamic Republic of Mauritania

Independence: 28th. November, 1960.

UN Membership: 27th. October, 1961.

Type of State: Islamic Republic with a President and a bicameral legislature. civilian rule since January, 1992.

Head of State: President Colonel Maaouiya Ould Sid'Ahmed Taya.

Head of Government: Prime Minister Sidi Mohamed Ould Boubaker.

Ruling Party: Parti Republicain Democratique et Social

(PRDS)(Republican Democratic and Social Party).

Other Major Parties: Union pour le Progres et la Democratique (UPD)(Union for Progress and Democracy), Union des Forces Democratiques (UFD)(Union of Democratic Forces).

Armed Forces: Army 6,900, Air Force 400, Navy 50, Paramilitary 7,800.

Basic Freedoms

Freedom of Religion for Mauritanians: Mauritania is an Islamic republic and under the law all citizens (Sunni Muslims) are prohibited from converting to another religion. Mauritanians are not allowed to have sacred texts of other religions but they can freely attend Christian weddings and funerals when invited.

Freedom of Religion for Others: Non-Muslims are prohibited to proselytise. Expatriate Christians are allowed to hold services for non-Mauritanians. The Lebanese Shi'a Muslim community can practice their religion privately.

Freedom of Labour: Slavery is still practiced and the Government are reluctant to allow international human rights organisations to investigate.

Freedom of Speech and the Media: This is provided for in the Constitution. It is restricted by Government press censorship. Most of the media is Government owned but, in time of elections, limited access is given to the Opposition.

Freedom of Travel: There are few travel restrictions within Mauritania, though there are regular checkpoints on the roads by the Gendarmerie. The Government sometimes imposes a curfew.

Freedom of Assembly and Association: This is in the Constitution. In general it is upheld, though the Government have not given permission for some Opposition meetings.

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Facts and figures - We are grateful, and wish to thank, the 'Catholic Missionary Education Centre' (CAMEC) for supplying most of the statistical information in the second section, 'Factc and Figures' of this article. If you would like to know more about CAMEC, please write to: CAMEC, Holcombe House, The Ridgeway, London NW7 4HY.

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